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Indeed, for comparison, we may observe that Violeta Chamorro is not similarly described as "capitalist-oriented", "market-oriented", "U. Finally, the use of lexical item "gamble" implies that cooperation with "Marxists" is 'risky', as the metaphor "blew up" also suggests. Structurally, we see that the negative opinions in this first sentence are expressed or signalled by specific lexical selections, presuppositions and implications, qualifying descriptions and metaphor.
We also see that understanding these expressed beliefs as negative opinions also requires historical knowledge of Nicaragua, as well as about the role and position of the U. Theoretically, this analysis suggests how models and social representations are expressed in text. For instance, we find complex and variable discursive evidence for the presence of opinions in the model of the author about the events in Nicaragua, but these opinions are not always expressed explicitly, that is, as complete propositions as they hypothetically appear in models.
Similarly, we see how specific opinions in models critique of Chamorro are related to more general attitudes and ideologies e.
At the same time, we here have a nice example of the partisan and relative use of the notion of 'knowledge' discussed earlier in this paper, viz. Also the verb tenses "had set up", "had hidden" suggest that this is knowledge about fact, rather than belief. Note also that a fragment of the context model is being expressed here, viz.
Similarly, also the political function of this suggestion vindication can only be explained when the context model is being made explicit in this way. In other words, the explosion is taken as proof and incontrovertible evidence for our knowledge about the terrorist intentions of the Sandinistas, as also the lexical choice and the hyperbole "international terrorism-center" suggests.
That is, what is a cache of arms is exaggerated as forming an international terrorist center, thus allegedly proving the earlier accusations of the Reagan administration and the WP to be correct after all. We see that the presentation and description of the current event is more than just a summary of the events, but at the same time an argument viz. In terms of our theoretical framework this means that the discursive 'doing' of vindication, consists in using a current model of events in order to prove that old models were true.
That the Sandinistas still can't be trusted is a further opinion, implied by the phrase "hidden from their successors", which also explains why the Chamorro's gamble to cooperate with such an unreliable group is indeed risky, and we may expect in the rest of the editorial to be condemned. This analysis also shows that in order to make explicit the opinions of an editorial, we need to spell out rather extensive sets of knowledge in the forms of presuppositions and implications, in this case about the recent history of Nicaragua and the intervention of the U.
All evaluation, however, is relative, and as soon as attitudes and ideologies are expressed, one should always ask "for whom? Thus, here the question may be raised, given the historical record, for whom Mrs. Chamorro has become less 'effective'.
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Given the reactions of the Senate and the WP , one might conclude that she has become less effective for the U. Note that in the last clause of this sentence "and brought renewed armed strife" may seem an objective description of the situation. However, in complex ways, also this fact-description presupposes and implies ideologically based opinions.
As is the case for the hyperbolic description of rebels or non-compliant governments as "terrorists", the description of violence or civil war as "armed strife" is a standard media euphemism. In the same way as overplaying events may imply a rhetorically effective opinion, so is underplaying it. This would be the case when civil war would be the case here, as suggested by the use of "renewed", which presupposes, historically, reference to the earlier civil war set off by the U.
However, apart from discontent e. If that is true, the argumentative back-up of Mrs. Chamorro's "ineffectiveness" is based not so much on the facts, but on a suggestive reconstruction of the situation in Nicaragua, viz. The point of our analysis here is, again, that even seemingly factual statements, when related with the rest of the text and political context, have implications of an evaluative nature. Moreover, such evaluations may be rhetorically 'modulated', viz. Such rhetorical re formulations also show that one should indeed carefully distinguish between opinions and their discursive expressions.
Although we have no way here of knowing, the WP editor s may well think Mrs. Chamorro a 'bad president', but because she is the president brought to power by the U. On the other hand, the editors may well know that the situation in Nicaragua is not as alarming "international terrorist network", "armed strife" as suggested, but an objective, let alone a euphemistic account, would be politically inappropriate while being inconsistent with the evaluation by the political elites Senate, president, etc. If the WP would not support and even encourage anti-Nicaraguan decisions of Congress, it would have chosen a very different way of describing the situation there.
Again, the evaluative words are formal and thus tend to be euphemistic: A "punitive approach" sounds less harsh than more common and more negative 'punishment' or 'retaliation'. The same is true on the other side, where "human rights and property differences" seem both formal and vague, because these phrases do not specify who is violating human rights the Chamorro administration? The reaction of "even" the liberal senators however suggest that whatever "differences" probably "of opinion' are involved, they must be incompatible with U.
The evaluation of Mrs. Chamorro's "ineffectiveness" while being supported by these vague descriptions of the ongoing U. That is, between the lines, the clauses and the words, the current editorial evaluation ties in with a complex historical and political analysis of the situation in Nicaragua, that is, with more complex U.
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The "unless" clause backing up this indirect advice expresses a straightforward condition, already implied by the earlier part of the text: viz. The opinion expressed here is expressed loudly and clearly "firmly". This is possible because it instantiates a basic general opinion, viz. Our historical knowledge however tells us a rather different story, viz.
That is, another reading of this crucial condition is not that democracy should prevail, but that Marxists should be opposed, which would be an interpretation of this editorial which would be consistent with the historical record as well as with the current situation: Mrs. Chamorro should be forced to become more "effective" in following U. Note that in these evaluative propositions and their stylistic and rhetorical expression, we also find the familiar polarization, viz.
US and undemocratic betrayed, terrorist, etc. The ingroup is of course first 'We-Americans', represented here by the U. Congress described as doing well when cutting aid , and implicitly of course 'we-at-the-WP'. Then, in a next circle of those belonging to US are our friend and allies, viz.
Crime and Corpus
However, our friends, especially when not "effective" enough to defend our interests e. On the other hand, the description of the outgroup, viz. The strategy to give advice to an ally or good friend who seems to be losing her "effectiveness" needs to be careful though. We may therefore expect the usual disclaimers, as in  detailing all the good things Mrs. Chamorro has done for her country "bravery", "achievements", "reducing effects of the civil war" although slightly mitigated with "some" achievements.
However, since the editorial's aim is not to praise Mrs. Chamorro, such praise mainly has a strategic function, viz. That is, she is blamed for what is assessed as "a party having an army", which is a repetition of the accusation formulated in . Indeed, as we have seen above, negative descriptions of the Other here a violation of democratic principles , may be enhanced by repeating them. Conditionals such as  may be read as threats. In this case, such an interpretation is hardly exaggerated, because U. Congress is precisely acting upon the negative compliance with the condition, and will cut aid if Mrs.
Chamorro does not toe the line. Moreover, "Nicaraguan democrats" are now addressed directly, and implicitly advised to take things in their own hands, which also implies that Mrs.
Chamorro is now no longer part of we-the-democrats, but compromised while not acting forcefully enough against the Sandinistas. For our analysis, these observations show again that as soon as policies and advice to allies are involved opinions about who should do what are part of the normative structure underlying the editorial.
This normative structure applied to the situation in the U.
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